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Tooth Filing Ceremony
Called 'mapandes' in High Balinese, 'matatah' in Common Balinese. The reason for filing is to control evil human characteristics (sad ripu): greed, lust, anger, confusion, stupidity, jealousy, ill-will, and intoxication by either passion or drunkenness. This important life-cycle event usually occurs when a Balinese boy or girl reaches puberty-at a girl's first menstruation, when a boy's voice changes. If not then, it must definitely take place before marriage; sometimes filing is incorporated into the marriage ceremony. After filing, a father's duties to his female children are generally regarded as complete.Before a cremation the teeth of a cadaver may be filed. Why? Pointed teeth are likened to those of ferocious witches, demons, wild animals, savages, or, almost as bad, dogs. A person's canine teeth, regarded by the Balinese as animalistic fangs (caling), are filed flat so the child may become fully human, able to reign in the emotions. It's believed a Balinese may be denied entrance into heaven if the teeth are not filed because s/he might be mistaken for a wild creature. In the old days the teeth of adolescents were also blackened with betel nut to distinguish them from the white teeth of animals.
'Mapandes' is a costly affair; invitations must be issued, musicians are hired, the fee of the 'pedanda' is paid, elaborate offerings are carried out, and a banquet is prepared for guests and villagers. Because of the great expense, it may be delayed until enough money has been saved. A number of families may participate in a mass toothfiling in order to share costs, or it may be held simultaneously with some other costly ceremony such as a cremation or wedding. The 'banjar' often determines that financial help should be extended to the lower castes to enable them to participate. To view the maximum pomp and ritual, attend a toothfiling ceremony sponsored by a Brahman family, where as many as 14 people may participate and expenses could top Rp35 million.
Toothfiling represents the evening out of the extreme and 'kasar' (rough) aspects of one's personality as one enters adulthood. Toothfiling also adds the person of the six evil animal passions that Balinese believe everyone possesses to some degree: laziness (alus), love of sensual pleasures (raga), love of luxury and splendor (dewasa), love of worldly goods (tresna), indifference (indra), and resoluteness (baja). Though representatives from each caste are in the toothfiling ceremony, a girl of the lower caste will be asked to lie on a platform at a lower level than her upper-caste sisters, and she wears less lavish ceremonial clothing. The most important event of adolescence, Balinese endure it with not a sound of complaint. After the filing, youths of all castes can go on to lead healthy, well-adjusted lives as a part of Ball's tightly knit family, clan, community and society.
Filing is scheduled on an auspicious day and performed by a specialist Brahman priest on a special platform. For the occasion makeshift bamboo shrines with gay, colorful offerings of rice, sweet cakes, flowers, and fruits are erected within the compound. All attendees dress in traditional clothing, and the customary white cardboard box of snacks and bottle of sweetened tea is handed to all that enter.
Having spent the previous two or three nights praying while confined in bale built for the occasion within the high-caste family's compound, from two to 100 initiates are assembled, dressed in white and yellow to signify holiness. Girls wear precious 'kemben' (breast cloth), the finest the family can afford, with garments as ornate as those of legong dancers. Boys wear a 'songket' from the armpits to the knees, a 'kris' protruding from a yellow sash in the back.
The ceremony begins with the 'pedanda' sprinkling holy water and blessing the group with mantras. Offerings are placed before the gods of sexual love. The initiates lie down on the richly draped bamboo platform wide-eyed and frightened, clutching their pillows as close relatives ring around. Incense is lit, mouthwash placed at the ready, files and whetstones blessed to cleanse them and render the operation painless. Magic symbols (aksara) are inscribed on the teeth.
The "dentist" (sangging) first places a small cylinder of sugarcane in the corners of the mouth to prop the jaws open and prevent gagging. The front two upper canines are filed so they're even with the upper incisors; it's important to effect an even line of short teeth. The actual filing requires about five to 10 minutes. A mirror is provided to allow the patient to observe the progress of the ritual. Filings are spit into a yellow coconut. Tears may roll down their cheeks, but the filees seldom cry out.
Sometimes members of the family sing a 'kekawin' about Arjuna, the brave young hero of the Mahabharata epic, to bolster the spirits of their loved ones, someone else may recite Kawi translated into vernacular Balinese. To lighten the atmosphere, the 'sangging' may joke with the filee as he files.
After consulting with his girlfriend, wife, or mother, a boy may decide he still possesses too much animality and lie back down on the bed for more filing. Occasionally, there are requests for just a few token, symbolic strokes of the file.
When the filing is finished, the astringent betel pepper leaf (base) is rubbed on the ends of the teeth, then the 'pedanda' places various other soothing, healing tinctures on the end of the initiate's tongues. The coconut shell receptacle of filing debris and saliva is then buried behind the ancestral shrine lest it be occupied by evil spirits.
Read More...
'Mapandes' is a costly affair; invitations must be issued, musicians are hired, the fee of the 'pedanda' is paid, elaborate offerings are carried out, and a banquet is prepared for guests and villagers. Because of the great expense, it may be delayed until enough money has been saved. A number of families may participate in a mass toothfiling in order to share costs, or it may be held simultaneously with some other costly ceremony such as a cremation or wedding. The 'banjar' often determines that financial help should be extended to the lower castes to enable them to participate. To view the maximum pomp and ritual, attend a toothfiling ceremony sponsored by a Brahman family, where as many as 14 people may participate and expenses could top Rp35 million.
Toothfiling represents the evening out of the extreme and 'kasar' (rough) aspects of one's personality as one enters adulthood. Toothfiling also adds the person of the six evil animal passions that Balinese believe everyone possesses to some degree: laziness (alus), love of sensual pleasures (raga), love of luxury and splendor (dewasa), love of worldly goods (tresna), indifference (indra), and resoluteness (baja). Though representatives from each caste are in the toothfiling ceremony, a girl of the lower caste will be asked to lie on a platform at a lower level than her upper-caste sisters, and she wears less lavish ceremonial clothing. The most important event of adolescence, Balinese endure it with not a sound of complaint. After the filing, youths of all castes can go on to lead healthy, well-adjusted lives as a part of Ball's tightly knit family, clan, community and society.
Filing is scheduled on an auspicious day and performed by a specialist Brahman priest on a special platform. For the occasion makeshift bamboo shrines with gay, colorful offerings of rice, sweet cakes, flowers, and fruits are erected within the compound. All attendees dress in traditional clothing, and the customary white cardboard box of snacks and bottle of sweetened tea is handed to all that enter.
Having spent the previous two or three nights praying while confined in bale built for the occasion within the high-caste family's compound, from two to 100 initiates are assembled, dressed in white and yellow to signify holiness. Girls wear precious 'kemben' (breast cloth), the finest the family can afford, with garments as ornate as those of legong dancers. Boys wear a 'songket' from the armpits to the knees, a 'kris' protruding from a yellow sash in the back.
The ceremony begins with the 'pedanda' sprinkling holy water and blessing the group with mantras. Offerings are placed before the gods of sexual love. The initiates lie down on the richly draped bamboo platform wide-eyed and frightened, clutching their pillows as close relatives ring around. Incense is lit, mouthwash placed at the ready, files and whetstones blessed to cleanse them and render the operation painless. Magic symbols (aksara) are inscribed on the teeth.
The "dentist" (sangging) first places a small cylinder of sugarcane in the corners of the mouth to prop the jaws open and prevent gagging. The front two upper canines are filed so they're even with the upper incisors; it's important to effect an even line of short teeth. The actual filing requires about five to 10 minutes. A mirror is provided to allow the patient to observe the progress of the ritual. Filings are spit into a yellow coconut. Tears may roll down their cheeks, but the filees seldom cry out.
Sometimes members of the family sing a 'kekawin' about Arjuna, the brave young hero of the Mahabharata epic, to bolster the spirits of their loved ones, someone else may recite Kawi translated into vernacular Balinese. To lighten the atmosphere, the 'sangging' may joke with the filee as he files.
After consulting with his girlfriend, wife, or mother, a boy may decide he still possesses too much animality and lie back down on the bed for more filing. Occasionally, there are requests for just a few token, symbolic strokes of the file.
When the filing is finished, the astringent betel pepper leaf (base) is rubbed on the ends of the teeth, then the 'pedanda' places various other soothing, healing tinctures on the end of the initiate's tongues. The coconut shell receptacle of filing debris and saliva is then buried behind the ancestral shrine lest it be occupied by evil spirits.
Bali Culture
Although there are no artifacts or records dating back to the Stone Age, it is believed that the first settlers on Bali migrated from China around 2500 BC. By the Bronze era, around 300 B.C. quite an evolved culture existed in Bali. The complex system of irrigation and rice production, still in use today, was established around this time.
History is vague for the first few centuries. A number of Hindu artifacts have been found dating back to the 1st century, yet it appears that the main religion, around 500 AD was predominantly Buddhist in influence. A Chinese scholar, Yi-Tsing, in 670 AD reported on a trip to India, that he had visited a Buddhist country called Bali.
It wasn't until the 11th century that Bali received the first strong influx of Hindu and Javanese cultures. With the death of his father around AD 1011, the Balinese Prince, Airlanggha, moved to East Java and set about uniting it under one principality. Having succeeded, he then appointed his brother, Anak Wungsu, as ruler of Bali. During the ensuing period there was a reciprocation of political and artistic ideas. The old Javanese language, Kawi, became the language used by the aristocracy, one of the many Javanese traits and customs adopted by the cause.
With the death of Airlanggha, in the middle of the 11th century, Bali enjoyed a period of autonomy. However, this proved to be short-lived as in 1284, the East Javanese king Kertanegara, conquered Bali and ruled over it from Java. In 1292, Kertanegara was murdered and Bali took the opportunity to liberate itself once again. However, in 1343, Bali was brought back under Javanese control by its defeat at the hands of Gajah Mada, a general in the last of the great Hindu-Javanese empires, the Majapahit. With the spread of Islam throughout Sumatra and Java during the 16th century, the Majapahit Empire began to collapse and a large exodus of aristocracy, priests, artists and artisans to Bali ensued. For a while Bali flourished and the following centuries were considered the Golden Age of Bali's cultural history. The principality of Gelgel, near Klungkung, became a major centre for the Arts, and Bali became the major power of the region, taking control of neighboring Lombok and parts of East Java.
Read More...
History is vague for the first few centuries. A number of Hindu artifacts have been found dating back to the 1st century, yet it appears that the main religion, around 500 AD was predominantly Buddhist in influence. A Chinese scholar, Yi-Tsing, in 670 AD reported on a trip to India, that he had visited a Buddhist country called Bali.
It wasn't until the 11th century that Bali received the first strong influx of Hindu and Javanese cultures. With the death of his father around AD 1011, the Balinese Prince, Airlanggha, moved to East Java and set about uniting it under one principality. Having succeeded, he then appointed his brother, Anak Wungsu, as ruler of Bali. During the ensuing period there was a reciprocation of political and artistic ideas. The old Javanese language, Kawi, became the language used by the aristocracy, one of the many Javanese traits and customs adopted by the cause.
With the death of Airlanggha, in the middle of the 11th century, Bali enjoyed a period of autonomy. However, this proved to be short-lived as in 1284, the East Javanese king Kertanegara, conquered Bali and ruled over it from Java. In 1292, Kertanegara was murdered and Bali took the opportunity to liberate itself once again. However, in 1343, Bali was brought back under Javanese control by its defeat at the hands of Gajah Mada, a general in the last of the great Hindu-Javanese empires, the Majapahit. With the spread of Islam throughout Sumatra and Java during the 16th century, the Majapahit Empire began to collapse and a large exodus of aristocracy, priests, artists and artisans to Bali ensued. For a while Bali flourished and the following centuries were considered the Golden Age of Bali's cultural history. The principality of Gelgel, near Klungkung, became a major centre for the Arts, and Bali became the major power of the region, taking control of neighboring Lombok and parts of East Java.
Tajen - The Balinese Cockfighting
Cockfights, which in Balinese are known as tajen, meklecan or ngadu, are required at temple and purification (mecaru) ceremonies. No one knows when they started. The Tabuh Rah ritual to expel evil spirits always has a cockfight to spill the blood. Tabah Rah literally means pouring blood. There are ancient texts disclosing that the ritual has existed for centuries. It is mentioned in the Batur Bang Inscriptions I from the year 933 and the Batuan Inscription from the year 944 (on the Balinese calendar). The blood of the loser spills on the ground, an offering to the evil spirits. Three cockfights are necessary for this purpose. Only men participate. Women do not even watch.
To the Balinese cockfighting is much more than a religious ritual. Raffles in his History of Java commented,
"their predominant passions are gaming and cockfighting. In these amusements, when at peace with the neighbouring states, all the vehemence and energy of their character and spirit is called forth and exhausted."
Men in villages tend their roosters lovingly. They identify with them and much conversation turn on them. It is good sport. The vast majority of men own at least one rooster. They are symbolic expressions of their owners. The sound of roosters crowing to each other early in the morning is the normal wake-up call. It is common throughout Asia.
The roosters, often of very splendid colours, are kept in wicker, bamboo cages placed outside their owners' houses. It is important that the roosters get used to the commotion of everyday life. They are trained not to be distracted by unusual sounds when they get to the all-important fight. They are fed a special diet of maize. Red pepper is pushed down their beaks to give them spirit. The birds are at their fighting peak at about three years old.
A cockfight is an offering: see the article entitled Balinese Offerings. Cockfighting is a sacred matter. The rules are written down in the ancient lontar palm books, which are village heirlooms. The umpire's word is final. In the case of cocks dying at virtually the same time, he decides. Before the cockfight begins, a pemangku priest will present offerings to the evil spirits and also the gods. Then the serious business begins.
In pre-colonial times cockfights were normally held on market days. The ring is usually near the market in the wantilan in the centre of the village. The fights were taxed and the taxation was a major source of revenue for the princes, who were patrons of the fights.
If you see a large number of motorbikes parked outside a field or a temple - usually in the late afternoon, the chances are that a cockfight is being held. Cockfights are frequently held in Pura Dalem in Ubud next to Kunang-Kunang II, Murni's shop. Anyone can attend. It is a noisy, busy affair. Be careful during the fight, the cocks have lethally sharp steel blades attached to their spurs. They can cut a finger off.
There are usually about nine or ten matches. It goes on for three or four hours until sunset.
The fight
Men travel to cockfights with their roosters. They sit in a circle in the wantilan or an open area. Women sell lawar (mixed vegetables and meat), grilled pork, chicken satay, snacks and colourful drinks.
Each fight is treated equally and, as soon as one fight ends, men look for a suitable match for the next. They try to match cocks of equal ability for a good fight. The fight should be unpredictable. If there is an imbalance, the spur on the stronger bird is adjusted slightly to give him a handicap.
The expert spur affixers affix the spurs. The sharp steel spurs, called taji, are single blades, about four or five inches long, tied around the leg with string. Spurs are sharpened only at eclipses and during a dark moon and should not be seen by women. The word for cockfight, tajen, comes from tajian, the taji being the blade.
Once done the cocks are placed on the ground in the middle of the ring. The timekeeper sits at a desk on the right hand corner. He pierces a coconut with a small hole and puts it in a bucket of water. It takes about 21 seconds to sink. At the start and end he beats a kulkul, a slit drum. During this time of 21 seconds the cocks must be left alone. If they have not fought, they can be picked up and encouraged.
The process is repeated. If they still refuse to fight, both are put into a wicker cage and they always fight then. If this is not necessary and they fight on their own, as soon as one is injured, the cock that landed the blow is picked up, so that both birds are not injured.
The coconut is now sunk three times. Then the one that landed the blow is put down to walk around for another coconut sinking period. He is then picked up and the coconut is sunk twice more and the fight has to start again. The interval will have taken about two minutes, during which time the injured bird will be tended. The second round is the final one. Usually the one that landed the first bow lands another fatal blow. The loser is the one that dies first.
Read More...
To the Balinese cockfighting is much more than a religious ritual. Raffles in his History of Java commented,
"their predominant passions are gaming and cockfighting. In these amusements, when at peace with the neighbouring states, all the vehemence and energy of their character and spirit is called forth and exhausted."
Men in villages tend their roosters lovingly. They identify with them and much conversation turn on them. It is good sport. The vast majority of men own at least one rooster. They are symbolic expressions of their owners. The sound of roosters crowing to each other early in the morning is the normal wake-up call. It is common throughout Asia.
The roosters, often of very splendid colours, are kept in wicker, bamboo cages placed outside their owners' houses. It is important that the roosters get used to the commotion of everyday life. They are trained not to be distracted by unusual sounds when they get to the all-important fight. They are fed a special diet of maize. Red pepper is pushed down their beaks to give them spirit. The birds are at their fighting peak at about three years old.
A cockfight is an offering: see the article entitled Balinese Offerings. Cockfighting is a sacred matter. The rules are written down in the ancient lontar palm books, which are village heirlooms. The umpire's word is final. In the case of cocks dying at virtually the same time, he decides. Before the cockfight begins, a pemangku priest will present offerings to the evil spirits and also the gods. Then the serious business begins.
In pre-colonial times cockfights were normally held on market days. The ring is usually near the market in the wantilan in the centre of the village. The fights were taxed and the taxation was a major source of revenue for the princes, who were patrons of the fights.
If you see a large number of motorbikes parked outside a field or a temple - usually in the late afternoon, the chances are that a cockfight is being held. Cockfights are frequently held in Pura Dalem in Ubud next to Kunang-Kunang II, Murni's shop. Anyone can attend. It is a noisy, busy affair. Be careful during the fight, the cocks have lethally sharp steel blades attached to their spurs. They can cut a finger off.
There are usually about nine or ten matches. It goes on for three or four hours until sunset.
The fight
Men travel to cockfights with their roosters. They sit in a circle in the wantilan or an open area. Women sell lawar (mixed vegetables and meat), grilled pork, chicken satay, snacks and colourful drinks.
Each fight is treated equally and, as soon as one fight ends, men look for a suitable match for the next. They try to match cocks of equal ability for a good fight. The fight should be unpredictable. If there is an imbalance, the spur on the stronger bird is adjusted slightly to give him a handicap.
The expert spur affixers affix the spurs. The sharp steel spurs, called taji, are single blades, about four or five inches long, tied around the leg with string. Spurs are sharpened only at eclipses and during a dark moon and should not be seen by women. The word for cockfight, tajen, comes from tajian, the taji being the blade.
Once done the cocks are placed on the ground in the middle of the ring. The timekeeper sits at a desk on the right hand corner. He pierces a coconut with a small hole and puts it in a bucket of water. It takes about 21 seconds to sink. At the start and end he beats a kulkul, a slit drum. During this time of 21 seconds the cocks must be left alone. If they have not fought, they can be picked up and encouraged.
The process is repeated. If they still refuse to fight, both are put into a wicker cage and they always fight then. If this is not necessary and they fight on their own, as soon as one is injured, the cock that landed the blow is picked up, so that both birds are not injured.
The coconut is now sunk three times. Then the one that landed the blow is put down to walk around for another coconut sinking period. He is then picked up and the coconut is sunk twice more and the fight has to start again. The interval will have taken about two minutes, during which time the injured bird will be tended. The second round is the final one. Usually the one that landed the first bow lands another fatal blow. The loser is the one that dies first.
Subak - Balinese Irrigation Management
Balinese rice cultivation is famous all over the world for its efficient use of irrigation water. At the heart of irrigation management are the water user associations called subak. They are the backbone of Balinese rice cultivation.
Subak has been described by several authors. It is commonly recognized as an autonomous socio-religious association which deals with matters related to the cultivation and irrigation of rice. They have evolved over centuries, organized by the farmers themselves without (or little) guidance from central authorities. The subak are considered to be one of the most effective irrigator organizations in the world.
The general Balinese philosophy guiding the subak system adheres to the principle of Tri Hita Karana which emphasises that happiness can only be reached if the Creator (God), the people (the farmers) and nature (the rice fields) live in harmony with each other. Based on this philosophy are the ceremonies which are a substantial part of the rice cultivation cycle. The ceremonies are carried out at the various temples which are associated with the subak.
The Tri Hita Karana philosophy is also the basis for the clearly defined rules of a subak, called awig-awig. This set of laws regulates rights and duties among the members. It includes public obligations, regulations concerning land and water use, legal transactions of land transfers, and collective religious ceremonies. For instance, all members have the right to the same share of water at all times. This principle of equitable water sharing is put into action by fixed proportional flow division structures.
Subak internal matters are handled by the pekaseh, the subak head who is democratically elected by all members of the subak. He is responsible to overlook the irrigation management within the subak area, to schedule cultivation cycles and to organise subak ceremonies. He is supported by several assistants, such as the vice subak head (petajuh), the secretary (penyarikan), the treasurer (petengen or juru raksa), the messenger (kasinoman), special helper (saye) and the heads of the sub-subak groups. Bigger subak are divided into sub-groups, called munduk. Munduk may have a separate inlet from the subak main canal. A munduk usually comprises an average of 20 to 40 farmers.
Every munduk is headed by a pengliman who receives direct orders from the pekaseh and is responsible for all matters related to the munduk. As a sub-group of the subak, the munduk has to follow the subak rules and regulations. However, certain organisational and water management issues can be decided autonomously on the munduk level. The munduk is an important dimension within the subak. Day-to-day cultivation decisions are made on this level and provide the fine-tuning of the subak water and crop management – not always following the subak laws by doing this. The relationship between subak and munduk is to facilitate top down and bottom up information flow.
Members of subak also form an informal group which is called sekaa, in order to make ease a certain working activity on the rice field by working together on a certain field and certain activity. For examples: sekaa numbeg (for land cultivation), sekaa jelinjingan (for water tunnel maintenance), sekaa sambang (for water and pest surveillance), sekaa mamulih (for seed plantation), sekaa majukut (for plants surveillance), sekaa manyi (for harvest work), sekaa bleseng (for carrying paddy to the barn). These sekaa may recruit workers outside subak members. The code of work in these sekaa is simple, “I scratch yours you scratch mine.”
Read More...
Subak has been described by several authors. It is commonly recognized as an autonomous socio-religious association which deals with matters related to the cultivation and irrigation of rice. They have evolved over centuries, organized by the farmers themselves without (or little) guidance from central authorities. The subak are considered to be one of the most effective irrigator organizations in the world.
The general Balinese philosophy guiding the subak system adheres to the principle of Tri Hita Karana which emphasises that happiness can only be reached if the Creator (God), the people (the farmers) and nature (the rice fields) live in harmony with each other. Based on this philosophy are the ceremonies which are a substantial part of the rice cultivation cycle. The ceremonies are carried out at the various temples which are associated with the subak.
The Tri Hita Karana philosophy is also the basis for the clearly defined rules of a subak, called awig-awig. This set of laws regulates rights and duties among the members. It includes public obligations, regulations concerning land and water use, legal transactions of land transfers, and collective religious ceremonies. For instance, all members have the right to the same share of water at all times. This principle of equitable water sharing is put into action by fixed proportional flow division structures.
Subak internal matters are handled by the pekaseh, the subak head who is democratically elected by all members of the subak. He is responsible to overlook the irrigation management within the subak area, to schedule cultivation cycles and to organise subak ceremonies. He is supported by several assistants, such as the vice subak head (petajuh), the secretary (penyarikan), the treasurer (petengen or juru raksa), the messenger (kasinoman), special helper (saye) and the heads of the sub-subak groups. Bigger subak are divided into sub-groups, called munduk. Munduk may have a separate inlet from the subak main canal. A munduk usually comprises an average of 20 to 40 farmers.
Every munduk is headed by a pengliman who receives direct orders from the pekaseh and is responsible for all matters related to the munduk. As a sub-group of the subak, the munduk has to follow the subak rules and regulations. However, certain organisational and water management issues can be decided autonomously on the munduk level. The munduk is an important dimension within the subak. Day-to-day cultivation decisions are made on this level and provide the fine-tuning of the subak water and crop management – not always following the subak laws by doing this. The relationship between subak and munduk is to facilitate top down and bottom up information flow.
Members of subak also form an informal group which is called sekaa, in order to make ease a certain working activity on the rice field by working together on a certain field and certain activity. For examples: sekaa numbeg (for land cultivation), sekaa jelinjingan (for water tunnel maintenance), sekaa sambang (for water and pest surveillance), sekaa mamulih (for seed plantation), sekaa majukut (for plants surveillance), sekaa manyi (for harvest work), sekaa bleseng (for carrying paddy to the barn). These sekaa may recruit workers outside subak members. The code of work in these sekaa is simple, “I scratch yours you scratch mine.”
Drinking in Bali
Every culture has their way of drinking, there even rules for drinking, Balinese also has a way in drinking, especially for traditional liquors- Tuak and Arak. Tuak is a sweet wine made from the coconut palm flower, while Arak is strong liquors distilled from tuak. For Balinese drink liquors is men prerogative. In old days there is no woman drinks arak or tuak but with the passing of the time women start to drink tuak but never arak (too strong for woman) it is not discrimination, Balinese believe that arak is dangerous for womb. Women usually drink tuak secretly or in house compound not in public (warung stalls, on the road side, or balai banjar/sub village public hall) as men do.
Drinking for Balinese is usually for recreational purposes. We drink to strengthen the friendship among friends and to make a friend among strangers. There is an old saying among teenagers, it runs “cigarette and liquors are tools for making friends. It is common for Balinese to invite a stranger to join a “drink circle”. (We usually sit in a circle while drinking).We seldom drink for stress relieving purpose or Drink for Drunk (drink for the sake of getting drunk) drinking for recreational purpose can be a very creative way of drinking. Balinese usually sing while drinking, this habit originated genjek tradition.
Genjek is a traditional form of singing in which a group of men (usually 6 to12) sitting in a circle, some of them singing, while the rest of them imitating the sound of musical instruments. The songs are mainly about love and everyday life. Genjek is usually performed in wedding ceremony. The genjek performers have to be half drunk before the show begin. It is believed that the quality of the song depends on the level of intoxication of the performers. High level of intoxication means a high quality song.
In drinking Balinese have a certain code of conduct such as an offering of small quantity of liquor have to be made before Balinese start to drink. We usually pour a small amount of drink on the ground or floor in order to pacify bhuta kala (negative nature force) so it will not disturb the drinking activity. The way of drinking tuak is slightly different with arak. In drinking tuak every participant has his own kélé (a mug made of bamboo) and uses it privately. While in drinking arak we use only one small glass for all the participants, we drink in turn. An exception is made when someone from higher caste (Brahmana, Ksatrya, or Weysya) join the circle, an offer to use a private glass have to be made. An offer for private glass is a sign of respect for him. We welcome him into the circle whether he use private glass or not. An offer to taste a glass of arak for passing stranger is often made. If you want it, do not hesitate take it as soon as it is offered. Say thank you if you do not want to join the circle. If you want to join the circle, ask for it after you finish the offered drink. If you do not want to taste the offered liquor, refuse it with a good reason. Medical or religious prohibition is the best excuse.
In eastern part of Bali, tuak is a substitution for water. An offer of drinking tuak is a part of politeness there. It is considered to be impolite to turn down the offer without a proper apology and a good reason. Again, Medical or religious prohibition is a preferred excuse to hear by the host. But accepting the offer will be a perfect way to interact with the community.
Read More...
Drinking for Balinese is usually for recreational purposes. We drink to strengthen the friendship among friends and to make a friend among strangers. There is an old saying among teenagers, it runs “cigarette and liquors are tools for making friends. It is common for Balinese to invite a stranger to join a “drink circle”. (We usually sit in a circle while drinking).We seldom drink for stress relieving purpose or Drink for Drunk (drink for the sake of getting drunk) drinking for recreational purpose can be a very creative way of drinking. Balinese usually sing while drinking, this habit originated genjek tradition.
Genjek is a traditional form of singing in which a group of men (usually 6 to12) sitting in a circle, some of them singing, while the rest of them imitating the sound of musical instruments. The songs are mainly about love and everyday life. Genjek is usually performed in wedding ceremony. The genjek performers have to be half drunk before the show begin. It is believed that the quality of the song depends on the level of intoxication of the performers. High level of intoxication means a high quality song.
In drinking Balinese have a certain code of conduct such as an offering of small quantity of liquor have to be made before Balinese start to drink. We usually pour a small amount of drink on the ground or floor in order to pacify bhuta kala (negative nature force) so it will not disturb the drinking activity. The way of drinking tuak is slightly different with arak. In drinking tuak every participant has his own kélé (a mug made of bamboo) and uses it privately. While in drinking arak we use only one small glass for all the participants, we drink in turn. An exception is made when someone from higher caste (Brahmana, Ksatrya, or Weysya) join the circle, an offer to use a private glass have to be made. An offer for private glass is a sign of respect for him. We welcome him into the circle whether he use private glass or not. An offer to taste a glass of arak for passing stranger is often made. If you want it, do not hesitate take it as soon as it is offered. Say thank you if you do not want to join the circle. If you want to join the circle, ask for it after you finish the offered drink. If you do not want to taste the offered liquor, refuse it with a good reason. Medical or religious prohibition is the best excuse.
In eastern part of Bali, tuak is a substitution for water. An offer of drinking tuak is a part of politeness there. It is considered to be impolite to turn down the offer without a proper apology and a good reason. Again, Medical or religious prohibition is a preferred excuse to hear by the host. But accepting the offer will be a perfect way to interact with the community.
Ngaben - Bali Cremation Ceremony
Ngaben or the Cremation Ceremony is the ritual performed to send the dead through the transition to his next life. The village Kul Kul, hanging in the tower of the village temple, will sound a certain beat to announce the departure of the deceased. The body of the deceased will be placed at Bale Delod, as if he were sleeping, and the family will continue to treat him as if he were still alive yet sleeping. No tears are shed, for he is only gone temporarily and he will reincarnate into the family.
Calling the soul
DiggingDue to the huge amount of time and expense involved, a cremation is usually postponed for months or even years. In the meantime the body of the deceased is temporarily buried. Family members first wash and groom the corpse, then wrap it in cloths and mats. A raw egg is rolled across it and smashed to the ground, removing all impurities. The body is then transported to the cemetery on a simple bier and buried without a casket.
Once a favorable day has been set, an army of ritual specialists, artists, priests, family members, friends and neighbors of all ages and sexes is mobilized - calling upon an encyclopedia of communal knowledge in the creation of offerings and artifacts of every imaginable shape, color and ingredient and the performance of a series of elaborate rites.
ngabenBefore cremation a "soul calling" ritual must be held at the grave. Offerings are made, and as the corpse cannot be returned to the house once it has been buried, the soul is taken home in a sangah urip effigy made of leaves and wood. Outside the house a paper and coconut shell lamp - a damar kurung is hung to guide the soul home.
The washing of the corpse is symbolically repeated on an adegan, a small board with a human figure drawn on it. The day before the cremation, a priest prays for favorable treatment of the soul in the afterlife. Various types of holy water are made and offerings are purified. The angenan, an eggshell lamp mounted on a decorated coconut, serves as a memorial.
The procession
On the day of the cremation, once the sun has passed the zenith, loud gong music plays and a lively procession heads off to the cemetery. Dozens of offerings and ritual objects lead the way and the body is carried in a colorful tower (wadah, bade) fashioned of wood, bamboo and paper, shouldered by scores of shouting men. Platforms at the base represent the earth, sometimes resting on the cosmic turtle and serpents of the underworld. On the back of the tower may be a winged and fanged face of the son of the earth, and higher up a goose symbolizing purity.
Above these platforms is an open space for the body, or its effigy, and crowning the tower is an odd number of roofs. The caste and clan of the deceased determine the number - 11 for royalty, less for persons of more humble birth. Attached to the front of the tower is a long, white cloth (lantaran) held by family members to represent their ties to the deceased. The tower is rotated at each crossroads, to disorient and prevent the soul from returning to disturb the living.
Release through fire and water
ngabenArriving at the cemetery, the effigy or body is taken down and a pair of birds set free - symbolic of the soul's release. On a platform under a high roof stands a wooden sarcophagus (patulangan, palinggihan) decorated with cloth and paper, sometimes carried in procession ahead of the tower. 'Me sarcophagus is in the shape of an animal such as a bull, winged Eon or elephant-headed fish.
The sarcophagus is opened and the body or newly exhumed remains (sometimes simply an effigy) are carried around it and placed inside. The shroud is opened, jars of holy water are poured over the body and shattered. Cloths, letters of introduction to the gods and effigies are piled inside, and the sarcophagus is closed. Offerings are placed below to start the fire and the sarcophagus and corpse are consumed by flames. 'Me tower is burned separately.
Death brings with it the opportunity to fulfill all duties toward the deceased, and there is no public display of mourning if the deceased has lived a long and full life. Weeping near a corpse disturbs the soul, making it unwilling to leave. Grief is expressed in private, however, especially if a young person has died prematurely as the result of serious illness or a tragic accident.
Purification and deification
When the corpse has finally been reduced to ashes, the flames are doused and the family hunts for bone fragments, forming them into a small human shape. The bones are pulverized and placed in an effigy made from a coconut, which is taken on a bier to the sea or river and cast into the waters. Three days later another ceremony removes the ritual pollution brought by death upon the living.
Twelve days after the cremation, the soul of the deceased is purified in a ngrorasin rite, often accompanied by rites (mukur, nyekah, ngasti, maligia) to deify the ancestor. This may be delayed for several decades. A sekah effigy is made for the soul and placed in a high pavilion. In the evening, family members pray and offer their respects. Early the next morning, the image is broken and burned, and the ashes placed in a decorated coconut. A tower (bukur, madhya) then transports it to the sea for disposal.
Finnaly, in the nyegara-gunung ceremony the family express thanks to the gods of the oceans and muntains. Offerings are brought to important sea and mountains temples, after which the diefied soul is enshrined in a clan or familiy temple, awaiting its next reincarnation.
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DiggingDue to the huge amount of time and expense involved, a cremation is usually postponed for months or even years. In the meantime the body of the deceased is temporarily buried. Family members first wash and groom the corpse, then wrap it in cloths and mats. A raw egg is rolled across it and smashed to the ground, removing all impurities. The body is then transported to the cemetery on a simple bier and buried without a casket.
Once a favorable day has been set, an army of ritual specialists, artists, priests, family members, friends and neighbors of all ages and sexes is mobilized - calling upon an encyclopedia of communal knowledge in the creation of offerings and artifacts of every imaginable shape, color and ingredient and the performance of a series of elaborate rites.
ngabenBefore cremation a "soul calling" ritual must be held at the grave. Offerings are made, and as the corpse cannot be returned to the house once it has been buried, the soul is taken home in a sangah urip effigy made of leaves and wood. Outside the house a paper and coconut shell lamp - a damar kurung is hung to guide the soul home.
The washing of the corpse is symbolically repeated on an adegan, a small board with a human figure drawn on it. The day before the cremation, a priest prays for favorable treatment of the soul in the afterlife. Various types of holy water are made and offerings are purified. The angenan, an eggshell lamp mounted on a decorated coconut, serves as a memorial.
The procession
On the day of the cremation, once the sun has passed the zenith, loud gong music plays and a lively procession heads off to the cemetery. Dozens of offerings and ritual objects lead the way and the body is carried in a colorful tower (wadah, bade) fashioned of wood, bamboo and paper, shouldered by scores of shouting men. Platforms at the base represent the earth, sometimes resting on the cosmic turtle and serpents of the underworld. On the back of the tower may be a winged and fanged face of the son of the earth, and higher up a goose symbolizing purity.
Above these platforms is an open space for the body, or its effigy, and crowning the tower is an odd number of roofs. The caste and clan of the deceased determine the number - 11 for royalty, less for persons of more humble birth. Attached to the front of the tower is a long, white cloth (lantaran) held by family members to represent their ties to the deceased. The tower is rotated at each crossroads, to disorient and prevent the soul from returning to disturb the living.
Release through fire and water
ngabenArriving at the cemetery, the effigy or body is taken down and a pair of birds set free - symbolic of the soul's release. On a platform under a high roof stands a wooden sarcophagus (patulangan, palinggihan) decorated with cloth and paper, sometimes carried in procession ahead of the tower. 'Me sarcophagus is in the shape of an animal such as a bull, winged Eon or elephant-headed fish.
The sarcophagus is opened and the body or newly exhumed remains (sometimes simply an effigy) are carried around it and placed inside. The shroud is opened, jars of holy water are poured over the body and shattered. Cloths, letters of introduction to the gods and effigies are piled inside, and the sarcophagus is closed. Offerings are placed below to start the fire and the sarcophagus and corpse are consumed by flames. 'Me tower is burned separately.
Death brings with it the opportunity to fulfill all duties toward the deceased, and there is no public display of mourning if the deceased has lived a long and full life. Weeping near a corpse disturbs the soul, making it unwilling to leave. Grief is expressed in private, however, especially if a young person has died prematurely as the result of serious illness or a tragic accident.
Purification and deification
When the corpse has finally been reduced to ashes, the flames are doused and the family hunts for bone fragments, forming them into a small human shape. The bones are pulverized and placed in an effigy made from a coconut, which is taken on a bier to the sea or river and cast into the waters. Three days later another ceremony removes the ritual pollution brought by death upon the living.
Twelve days after the cremation, the soul of the deceased is purified in a ngrorasin rite, often accompanied by rites (mukur, nyekah, ngasti, maligia) to deify the ancestor. This may be delayed for several decades. A sekah effigy is made for the soul and placed in a high pavilion. In the evening, family members pray and offer their respects. Early the next morning, the image is broken and burned, and the ashes placed in a decorated coconut. A tower (bukur, madhya) then transports it to the sea for disposal.
Finnaly, in the nyegara-gunung ceremony the family express thanks to the gods of the oceans and muntains. Offerings are brought to important sea and mountains temples, after which the diefied soul is enshrined in a clan or familiy temple, awaiting its next reincarnation.
'Tumpek', Balinese Sacred Day
Balinese community belongs to the religious one. In other words, all social activities are at all times based on the Hindu teachings. In the calendrical system, there is a term 'Tumpek' in Bali falling once in every 210 days as the summit momment of the god's endowment to human beings (Sundarigama manuscript).
Tumpek Landep is marked with the symbol of kris dagger (weapon) having the meaning to sharpen the intellectuality of Balinese humans.
Tumpek Wariga and Tumpek Uye are indicated with the symbol of appreciation towards the bio-life of which conservation should be maintained, as it becomes the wellspring for the survival of human life.
Tumpek Kuningan is a moment of introspection on dharma (the eternal law of the cosmos) to remind the human beings so they endeavour to archieve the profane and spiritual serenity.
Tumpek Wayang is an appreciation towards the value of arts coming in expression of beauty and nobility.
Tumpek Krulut is the veneration of God coming down to earth in his manifestation as Shiva Nataraja as the creator of the universe presenting the sounds, namely sets of gamelan instruments.
Tumpek Krulut is derived from lulut meaning harmony and concord. This meaning is manifested into the combination of musical elements consisting the fusion of rhythm, melody, harmony and dynamic. Blend of these elements essentially reflects the relationship of human life to several expertise and professions however, they remain to be socially integrated.
In Denpasar, particularly at Tenten Hamlet, the celebration of Tumpek Krulut takes place joyously. Local people assemble together at the village hall to attend several ritual processions. Various gamelan music compositions are played, such as the angklung, gong and semar pegulingan.
Celebration of Tumpek is a moment of harmonic revitalization for human beings in general and Balinese community in particular.
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Tumpek Landep is marked with the symbol of kris dagger (weapon) having the meaning to sharpen the intellectuality of Balinese humans.
Tumpek Wariga and Tumpek Uye are indicated with the symbol of appreciation towards the bio-life of which conservation should be maintained, as it becomes the wellspring for the survival of human life.
Tumpek Kuningan is a moment of introspection on dharma (the eternal law of the cosmos) to remind the human beings so they endeavour to archieve the profane and spiritual serenity.
Tumpek Wayang is an appreciation towards the value of arts coming in expression of beauty and nobility.
Tumpek Krulut is the veneration of God coming down to earth in his manifestation as Shiva Nataraja as the creator of the universe presenting the sounds, namely sets of gamelan instruments.
Tumpek Krulut is derived from lulut meaning harmony and concord. This meaning is manifested into the combination of musical elements consisting the fusion of rhythm, melody, harmony and dynamic. Blend of these elements essentially reflects the relationship of human life to several expertise and professions however, they remain to be socially integrated.
In Denpasar, particularly at Tenten Hamlet, the celebration of Tumpek Krulut takes place joyously. Local people assemble together at the village hall to attend several ritual processions. Various gamelan music compositions are played, such as the angklung, gong and semar pegulingan.
Celebration of Tumpek is a moment of harmonic revitalization for human beings in general and Balinese community in particular.
Saraswati Day
Balinese Hindu believes that knowledge is an essential medium to achieve the goal of life as a human being. Saraswati Day is celebrated to honor God as source of the knowledge. God, in this particular celebration, is manifested as Saraswati Dewi, Goddess Saraswati.
She is depicted as a beautiful lady with four hands holding a musical instrument, meditation bead chain, as well as palm leaf manuscript. Many times the Saraswati is depicted to be standing on the swan. The beautiful lady is a symbol that the knowledge is attractive by many people. The musical instrument symbolized the knowledge is entertaining, the more you are into it the more beautiful and interesting it can be. The manuscript (or book) is where the knowledge is kept. The chain is a symbol that knowledge is never finish to learn, there is no beginning and ending.
Similar to other religious rites in Bali, Saraswati day also has various religious steps before and after the actual day. Six days before Saraswati is Pemelastali , a day to free our selves from worldly desire. Four days and the following days before Saraswati are called Paid Paidan, Urip and Patetegan which mean days to control desire, constantly do introspection by holding the purity of the knowledge. On day before Saraswati is called Pengeredanaan, a day to prepare Saraswati Day both spiritually and physically. Book are collected, cleaned and placed in properly places. Special offerings are made to be used for the following celebration.
Saraswati Day is celebrated every 210-days on Saniscara Umanis Wuku Watugunung based on Balinese Pawukon (cycles) calender. On the actual day of Saraswati , offering are placed on the books and shrines. Worships are held at the temples in family compound, villages, businesses and others from morning to noon. Prime worships are held in school's temples attended by its student and teachers. In the afternoon and evening is a good time to held religious discussion.
The following day of Saraswati is called Banyupinaruh, a day to have spiritual and physical cleansing. Normally Balinese will go to nearby beaches or water spring or river to have the special bathing. Worship will also be held in the village temples or other respective temples afterward.
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She is depicted as a beautiful lady with four hands holding a musical instrument, meditation bead chain, as well as palm leaf manuscript. Many times the Saraswati is depicted to be standing on the swan. The beautiful lady is a symbol that the knowledge is attractive by many people. The musical instrument symbolized the knowledge is entertaining, the more you are into it the more beautiful and interesting it can be. The manuscript (or book) is where the knowledge is kept. The chain is a symbol that knowledge is never finish to learn, there is no beginning and ending.
Similar to other religious rites in Bali, Saraswati day also has various religious steps before and after the actual day. Six days before Saraswati is Pemelastali , a day to free our selves from worldly desire. Four days and the following days before Saraswati are called Paid Paidan, Urip and Patetegan which mean days to control desire, constantly do introspection by holding the purity of the knowledge. On day before Saraswati is called Pengeredanaan, a day to prepare Saraswati Day both spiritually and physically. Book are collected, cleaned and placed in properly places. Special offerings are made to be used for the following celebration.
Saraswati Day is celebrated every 210-days on Saniscara Umanis Wuku Watugunung based on Balinese Pawukon (cycles) calender. On the actual day of Saraswati , offering are placed on the books and shrines. Worships are held at the temples in family compound, villages, businesses and others from morning to noon. Prime worships are held in school's temples attended by its student and teachers. In the afternoon and evening is a good time to held religious discussion.
The following day of Saraswati is called Banyupinaruh, a day to have spiritual and physical cleansing. Normally Balinese will go to nearby beaches or water spring or river to have the special bathing. Worship will also be held in the village temples or other respective temples afterward.
